Georgia Legislature’s fiercest battles come between Republicans

That delicate balance wasn’t helped when Republican state Sen. Colton Moore this week subpoenaed Burns and his deputies — including one recovering from a life-threatening injury — while pursuing criminal charges over a January altercation at the Capitol.

The friction between the two chambers isn’t as bad as in the past, when rival leaders could hardly be in the same room. But how Burns handles increasing pressure to pass hard-line legislation following Trump’s victory remains to be seen.

“We don’t know how he’ll react to the political climate this year,” said state Rep. Al Williams, a Midway Democrat who is one of the longest-serving legislators. “He’s been reluctant to move forward with some of the most damaging bills. I hope it stays that way.”

Credit: Arvin Temkar/AJC

Credit: Arvin Temkar/AJC

In Washington, the Senate often serves as a moderating force to cool the flaring tempers of the House. But under Georgia’s Gold Dome, the role of calming the waters has often fallen to the House.

Burns and Jones, along with their top deputies, are all Trump loyalists. But as in past years, the Senate is driving many of the more base-pleasing proposals, as Jones and other MAGA Republicans with an eye on higher office race to further Trump’s priorities.

Senate Republicans have spearheaded efforts to investigate Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis and Stacey Abrams, advanced divisive “religious liberty” legislation, backed immigration crackdowns and voted to place Trump’s “America First” slogan on state license plates.

They even named a controversial bill after Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency — though it has little to do with Trump’s cost-cutting initiative.

Credit: NATRICE MILLER

Credit: NATRICE MILLER

The House, meanwhile, has pursued its own aggressive agenda to slash taxes, boost school safety and ban transgender girls from competing in women’s sports — sometimes aligned with the Senate, sometimes carving its own path.

But in key areas, the Senate has plunged ahead with more expansive restrictions, such as one that would ban puberty blockers and stop hormone treatment for all minors.

Democrats are mostly unified in voting against many of these measures, though there have been notable defections over some transgender and immigration proposals.

But with little political power to block GOP proposals, Democratic leaders have resorted to leveraging public pressure, something they did Thursday by mobilizing hundreds of demonstrators at the Capitol to rally for expanded health care and new gun limits.

“With all these culture wars issues, we’re always concerned things can go further to the right,” said Senate Minority Leader Harold Jones II. “But it’s our job to make sure we let people know what we’re fighting for, not just what we’re fighting against.”

‘Perfecting’

Jones makes no apologies for his agenda in the Senate, saying he sees Trump’s victory as a mandate to go further with policies that have “gotten a lot more traction” since the November election.

In the House, Burns now faces the challenge of balancing demands from hard-right conservatives and more moderate Republicans who narrowly won suburban swing districts last year.

Burns’ tightwire act is a familiar one — his predecessor and political mentor, the late David Ralston, was a master at defusing tensions under the Gold Dome.

Ralston corralled his fractious caucus by bottling up incendiary legislation — then strategically allowing some partisan priorities through to relieve the pressure. He viewed it as a “safety valve” approach to let conservatives score wins without undermining the state’s business-friendly image.

When the tensions reached a boiling point in 2016, for instance, he let polarizing “religious liberty” legislation slip through his chamber — only for then-Gov. Nathan Deal to veto it amid boycott threats from Disney and other blue-chip companies.

Credit: Bob Andres/AJC

Credit: Bob Andres/AJC

And in 2022, when Gov. Brian Kemp faced a tough primary challenge, Ralston reluctantly allowed a measure targeting transgender rights to clear the House despite his public concerns about the policy.

“Ralston had an aura about him. He could walk that line really well,” said veteran lobbyist Neill Herring. Burns, he added, is “still learning the ropes — it’s not easy. But he’s continuing to come into his own.”

Like his mentor, Burns is keeping his cards close to the vest as the session nears its April 4 finale.

He quipped to “Politically Georgia” that reporters from The Atlanta Journal-Constitution have a better grasp on the Senate’s plans than he does since he hasn’t been closely tracking their proposals. But he hinted some of the Senate’s more divisive plans could advance.

“We look forward to working with the Senate and perfecting the legislation,” he said. “We have some really good opportunities here to benefit Georgians.”